From “genocide” to “Promised Land” In June of this year, Chile's freshly elected conservative president, José Antonio Kast, dispatched his country’s new envoy to Tel Aviv. This appointment would never have made headlines, were it not for the mere fact that under Kast's predecessor, the radical leftist Gabriel Boric, Chilean-Israeli relations were essentially frozen. Boric was regularly condemning the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for its "genocidal policies" and “ethic cleansing” in the Gaza Strip. The thaw initiated by Kast thus marked a sharp turnaround in bilateral relations and was, of course, welcomed by the authorities in Jerusalem. Even more intriguing were the statements of the newly elected Chilean ambassador regarding the country in which he will be serving. Gabriel Zaliasnik (a self-described "son of a Jewish gaucho") is a lawyer by profession and until recently has had no diplomatic experience. However, he had previously been pretty vocal in his additional capacity of a journalist. In April 2025 he wrote a column in the widely read daily La Tercera, in which he stated: "The false accusation of genocide against [Israel] is a new version of the ritual libel that has historically been used to justify the persecution of the Jewish people [...]. This nation's ties with the Land of Israel date back more than 3,500 years. Judea and Samaria are not foreign territories. And the right to a state of its own in the land of its ancestors does not stem, as some claim, from a series of catastrophes that this nation has suffered throughout history." Zaliasnik employed the language characteristic of the Israeli political class, led by Netanyahu himself, defending the "biblical" right of Jews to ownership of the Promised Land. He even used the historical names of Judea and Samaria—following the example of the Israeli government—instead of "West Bank." Zaliasnik consistently identifies himself with and repeats the narrative of the state to which he is accredited - like many other Latin American politicians, not just ambassadors but also heads of state. We will hear the same rhetoric from Argentine leader Javier Milei, El Salvador's Nayib Bukele, and Colombia's new president, Abelardo de la Espriella, who was sworn in on August 7th. This last case is comparable to the pro-Israel turn in Chile. Here, too, the previous president, Gustavo Petro, was a staunch enemy of Israel, often directly accused of anti-Semitism. The right-wing de la Espriella, who models himself after Donald Trump, stands at the opposite ideological pole, also as regards his attitude toward the Jewish State. One of his first decisions, for instance, was to recognize Israel's sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights. Washington’s in the triangular relationship This shift to the right in several Latin American countries is, obviously, a reason for satisfaction for Israel. On the one hand, Benjamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar are engaging in heated diplomatic disputes with European countries, while on the other, they regularly emphasize that Israel still has loyal friends around the world, praising the stance of Argentina, El Salvador, Ecuador, or Honduras. The business context is of utmost significance as well: Israeli companies, mostly in the defense and high-tech sectors, are particularly active in this region. However, the most crucial aspect seems to be the triangular relationship with both Jerusalem and Washington. For several South American leaders, especially those who depict themselves as "Christian conservatives," strengthening ties with Israel also means opening the doors to the White House. The aforementioned Milei, Bukele, and de la Espriella have earned the nickname "Latin Trumps," and they consciously cultivate this image. They aspire to become leading warriors in the global clash against "wokeism," against liberal trends, and the invasion of foreign cultures, assuming the role of saviours of Judeo-Christian values and Western civilization. Most are perceived as tough rulers, uncompromisingly fighting organized crime. They also unconditionally support Israel, regardless of the differing opinions on Prime Minister Netanyahu's policies, on the part of other countries and international institutions. This list of priorities facilitates alignment with the geopolitical vision of the American president. He, in turn, rewards “Latin Trumps” with hospitality in the Oval Office, effusive compliments, and even tangible economic support (as in the case of the Argentine peso bailout last fall, which cost American taxpayers $20 billion, and the imports of local meat). Hamas and Mara Salvatrucha: differences and similarities The pro-Israel stance also derives from the growing power of Evangelical Churches in Latin American countries. They constitute an increasingly influential electoral base, including in El Salvador (35%) and Brazil (30%). Religion plays a fundamental role in their political decisions, and the "Zionist" component is particularly meaningful in this context. The belief that one should support the "chosen people" because God commands it so, runs deep in these communities. This translates directly into the language used by South American leaders. Javier Milei, who has visited Israel three times since he came to power in 2023, frequently cites verses from the Torah in his speeches, appears publicly with the Israeli flag, and prays at the Western Wall. Interestingly, his critics, who accuse him of caring more about relations with Israel than with his own citizens in times of crisis, mock him with a pun: they compare "El Muro de los lamentos" ("The Wailing Wall") to "El Muro de los aumentos" ("The Wall of Price Increases"). Milei is also the only leader of another country in the history of the Jewish State who had the privilege of ceremonially lighting one of the twelve torches, symbolizing the 12 tribes of Israel, during Independence Day ceremonies in Jerusalem. When it comes to Argentina, it is also worth mentioning two past events that largely shaped the attitude of Buenos Aires elites towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: the bombing of the Israeli embassy in 1992, which killed 22 people, and the terrorist attack on the headquarters of the Jewish organization AMIA in Buenos Aires two years later (85 casualties). Last April, when Javier Milei was receiving an honorary doctorate from Bar-Ilan University in Tel Aviv, he said: "We must reject moral relativism. In this world there is definitely Good and Evil. We cannot live with some cultures. If we respect the right to life, we cannot live among those who want to kill us." Even more emphatic was a comment posted on Twitter by Nayib Bukele on October 9, 2023: "As a Salvadoran […] I am certain that the best thing that could happen to the Palestinians would be the complete annihilation of Hamas. These wild beasts do not represent the Palestinians. Anyone who supports the Palestinian cause would make a grave mistake by siding with these criminals. It's as if Salvadorans were supporting MS-13 terrorists simply because we share a common origin or nationality. The best thing that ever happened to us as a nation was getting rid of these rapists and murderers and allowing good people to live a prosperous life. Palestinians should do the same: eliminate these beasts […]. It's the only possible solution." It should be added that the 45-year-old Bukele is of Arab descent. His ancestors emigrated to Central America as Palestinian Christians, but his father (born in El Salvador) converted to Islam and became a respected imam. Indeed, Bukele often compares the activities of Salvadoran gangs (such as MS, or Mara Salvatrucha) and drug cartels to militias operating in the Middle East – Hamas and Hezbollah. Considering their history, social circumstances, and religious differences, such parallels are quite distant. Nevertheless, the intention is clear: "Like Israel, we too struggle with terror. We too face pure Evil." This creates an image of a peculiar alliance, which is also reflected in concrete arms deals: Colombia, Ecuador, and El Salvador are recipients of Israeli equipment and intelligence software, used to crack down on organized crime. In 2024, the Ecuadorian police, for example, received nearly 1,800 IWI Arad automatic rifles manufactured by the Israeli company Emtan. Israeli entities cite their extensive experience in this field and the excellent quality of their products and services, while Latin American authorities brag about their collaboration with market leaders. The missing giants Seemingly, Netanyahu’s government has been successful in the economic area as well. However, Israel’s premier is aware that Israel has been so far unable to attract the two most important players in the region to this alliance: Mexico and Brazil. In the case of Mexico, President Claudia Sheinbaum is under enormous pressure from her own left-wing electorate and struggles to maintain neutrality in her assessments of Israel's policies. Brazilian leader Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, on the other hand, has been highly critical for years, explicitly using the term "genocide" in reference to the brutality of the Israeli army. When, during a speech at the African Union summit in Addis Ababa two years ago, he compared the IDF's activities to Nazi crimes, he was declared persona non grata by the authorities in Jerusalem. Today, Israel approaches the relations with South and Central American countries with meticulous attention, knowing that this thaw may prove ephemeral, and it is likely that in a few years the political pendulum will swing the other way. This has been the case in recent decades – for example, in Brazil, where relations between the two countries were excellent during the administration of Lula's predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro. Nevertheless, the Netanyahu government's intensive diplomatic efforts, deepening economic cooperation, and above all the growing political clout of Protestant churches on the continent indicate that the current, fragile stability may be more durable than in the past.